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CITES – the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora – has decided to include Mukula trees, one of many rosewood species, in its Annex II listing.

Species covered by CITES are listed in three Annexes according to how much protection they need. Annex II includes species not directly threatened with extinction, but in which trade must be controlled to ensure their survival. The Conversation Africa’s Moina Spooner asked Paolo Cerutti and Nils Bourland about the decision.

Why is Mukula wood so sought after?

Rosewood is an informal term which refers to a group of hardwood species that are red in colour and widely used in furniture processing. Historically, the “real” rosewood belonged to the Dalbergia genus as found in Brazil, India or Madagascar. But with time, the name has been commonly used to group strong woods with a reddish colour.

Demand for rosewoods has been growing for several years, particularly in Asia. China is one of the biggest rosewood consumers and, since 2000, has established an official list of 33 tree species harvested across the tropics in Africa (five), Latin America (seven) and Asia (21), and imported and traded under the “Rosewood” name.

The wood fetches very high prices in China as it’s used to make hongmu – antique red-wood furniture. Hongmu was historically used by the imperial elite and is now coveted by China’s rising wealthy middle-class.

Because the usual rosewood tree species – like the Dalbergias – have been over-harvested for decades and are now endangered, traders have tried to diversify, using trees which could provide similar colours and strength.

Mukula – Pterocarpus tinctorius – is the local name for rosewood harvested in Angola, Burundi, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Malawi, Mozambique, and Tanzania.

Even though it is not one of the tree species labelled as “rosewood” under China’s official list, traders and consumers still want it for its colour and strength. When freshly cut and debarked, Mukula’s timber has a bright brown-reddish colour – produced by oils and chemicals it contains – which turns to darker brown with time and exposure to light. These oils are also what make the wood durable.

As a result Mukula became part of the wider rosewood trade that affects much of southeast Asia and parts of Africa and South America.

What was the basis of the CITES decision to control the trade in mukula?

Government seizures of illegally harvested Mukula started to be reported in the media, mostly in Zambia, about five years ago.

But the seizures didn’t stop traders; the volumes harvested and traded increased year after year. Eventually, media and political attention started to flag the negative environmental and socio-economic impacts of the trade, bringing Mukula to the attention of CITES.


Read more: Why Zambia has not benefitted from its rosewood trade with China


Mukula in Zambia mainly occurs in the country’s miombo fragile woodlands. It’s an area of great importance for local communities, because it’s a source of livelihoods for them. It also hosts flagship fauna species, including monkeys, that feed on its fruits.

How will the decision now be implemented and which countries does it affect most?

Mukula logs, sawn wood, veneer sheets and plywood are affected by this listing. It is important to remember that this decision doesn’t ban the trade of Mukula. Instead, it seeks to increase levels of monitoring so that we can be more and better informed about illegal trade and over-harvesting.

After the decision enters into force, all countries exporting Mukula will have to conduct what is known in CITES as “Non-Detriment Findings”. Range States – Angola, Burundi, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Malawi, Mozambique, and Tanzania – are immediately concerned.

This means that sustainability, legality and the ability to trace the wood from stump to market must be guaranteed and CITES permits will have to be issued when the species is traded. The permit is issued if it is demonstrated that the traded volume – the number of felled trees – does not threaten the survival of the species at the place of harvest in natural forests. Planted species are not considered.

In addition, the convention requires that exporting and importing countries report to the CITES secretariat, which enters the information into a specific database for global monitoring. The CITES’ Plant Committee is then mandated to conduct periodic reviews to detect abnormal situations, for example discrepancies in trade statistics.

There are several other mechanisms which allow irregularities in trade to be monitored at national and international levels. Civil society, NGOs and researchers can also play a great role, drawing attention on unclear situations and illegal activities.

Despite different bans and restrictions Mukula harvest and trade hasn’t stopped. What will be the challenges in implementing this decision?

Various timber-producing countries have adopted harvesting and/or trading bans on species of particular socio-economic and environmental value. Yet bans can only be as good as their enforcement and monitoring are. Many countries do adopt bans but not all enforce and monitor their impact. These are sovereign decisions, generally dictated more by the politics of the day than by any serious attempt at understanding their environmental consequences.

Mukula in Zambia is a clear example of this. Multiple bans have been adopted and lifted in recent years. But these decisions were dictated less by environmental considerations than political ones.

For example, at the beginning of 2016, a “Mukula timber harvesting and movement ban” was issued, then lifted in July 2016, and then reinstated at the beginning of 2017. Yet during all those years, no new assessment was conducted on the ground about the sustainable harvesting levels of Mukula, so traders were able to continue increasing the harvested volumes irrespective of the bans.

The Annex II listing is a great outcome for Mukula. It adds to the force of national decisions, like bans, and makes cheating much more difficult. It also gives it international attention.

But to beat the unsustainable harvesting of rosewoods, we need to aim for even more encompassing solutions. For example, CITES should consider a genus-wide listing which includes some Pterocarpus species, so that traders cannot just as easily move on to the next Rosewood tree and deplete it.The Conversation

 

Paolo Omar Cerutti, Senior Scientist, Centre for International Forestry Research and Nils Bourland, Senior Associate, Centre for International Forestry Research

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Published in Agriculture

The SA Institute of Business Accountants (Saiba) applauds finance minister Tito Mboweni’s plan to reboot the moribund SA economy.

The document - Economic Transformation, Inclusive Growth and Competitiveness: Towards an Economic Strategy for South Africa – is truly radical in parts.

For example, who would have thought we’d hear an ANC minister call for exempting small businesses from certain regulations, such as bargaining council agreements, which are little more than a monopoly enjoyed by big business and labour. The left-wing of the ANC will fight this tooth and nail – but Mboweni will have to face down the hardliners in his own party.

Common sense dictates that the automatic extension of bargaining council agreements to smaller businesses (which have to abide by agreements they are not consulted on) should never have been on the statute book, but once there it seemed it would remain there forever. Mboweni clearly understands what is holding the economy in its no-growth trap. This is why he wants to make it easier to create new jobs by removing the red tape.

What’s also encouraging is that he says the current economic trajectory is unsustainable. Business has been saying this for years, and it seemed as if government was tone-deaf to these arguments.

Says Nicolaas Van Wyk, CEO of Saiba: “We think its a great document that will if implemented great new jobs and economic growth. Tito seems to be one of the few ministers with a clear grasp of reality, and of South Africa’s true potential. There is no real reason why we need to suffer as we do. We have been lumbered with a broken economy that resisted all efforts to fix it because of corrupt politicians and businessman who served no-one’s interest other than their own.”

What about an economic TRC to close the book on our corrupt past?

Van Wyk says perhaps there is merit in forming an Economic Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), similar to that for political crimes in the 1990s, where voluntary disclosure of economic and commercial transgressions could be aired, forgiven (with a reasonable fine), and allow the guilty who have corrupted the country to "get the hell out of Dodge".

“Our real economic foes are not internal but external. We need to shift our collective attention to positioning SA as a new Africa lion and emulate the Asian tigers of Singapore and Korea. If the President sets a new target whereby SA becomes the superpower in Africa, then all our local challenges will fade in the face of a new unifying national goal,” says van Wyk.

The meat of Tito’s growth plan

Looking to the meat of the Mboweni plan, there are some worthy goals that everyone can get behind, such as:

  • Full or partial relaxation of regulations impacting small businesses, such as labour laws and bargaining council agreements. This is perhaps the most radical recommendation, since it is well documented that employment opportunities are most likely to come from the small business sector.
  • Relaxed visa requirements to make it easier for tourists to come to SA. Saiba has long advocated for a more coherent policy to allow tourism to kick-start the economy (which it can easily do). In fact, it could create 2 million jobs over the next decade.
  • Allowing third-party access to the country rail network, which would make better use of our transport infrastructure.
  • Kick-starting an infrastructure boom in coordination with government, the private sector and state-owned companies, so as to ease the pressure on the balance sheets of over-stretched SOEs.
  • SA’s demand for water will exceed supply at the end of the next decade. Far more investment is needed in water-resource development, bulk-water supply, and waste-water management.
  • Eskom’s financial problems (debt of R450 billion) could be solved through the sale of coal-fired power stations, and by allowing private power producers to sell back into the grid. The Integrated Resource Plan (IRP), the ruling government document on future energy supply, needs to compare least-cost options with the alternatives and be updated regularly.
  • Allocating broadband spectrum to private companies through an auction, keeping a small portion of the spectrum for a government-controlled network, and allowing competition in Telkom’s infrastructure.
  • Reducing barriers to entry in banking to allow more competition, particularly for services such as mobile money.
  • Reviewing fuel-price regulation and passing on the benefits of spot price benchmarks to consumers. Also reviewing regulation which has supported companies like Sasol.

“Tito’s plan will work but only if we stop scoring own goals, playing the blame game and looking for scapegoats. Our political forefathers established our democracy on the basis that SA will become a rainbow nation. It may have worked at the time to heal and unify, but something toxic has intervened in pursuit of the ‘Rainbow Nation’, and that has been fully on display in the hearings of the Zondo Commission. Let’s channel the thoughts and energies of the great African Kings that established vast economic empires in pre-Colonial times. Our real competitors are the US, China, and Europe.

“Minister Mboweni’s growth plan is an excellent starting point for the rebirth of the nation. We must be careful not to waste much more time debating and discussing. Now is the time for action. Our economy contracted 3,2% in the first quarter, so we are going backwards and the country is shedding jobs.

“SA can become a commercial superpower that supplies all of Africa with rail, energy and services. Why should we leave it to the Chinese to move into our zone and capture our resources and opportunities?

“Tito’s plan is good, but it does not go far enough. He is still thinking small and allowing current events to box him in. He can do more and go bigger,” concludes van Wyk.

Published in Opinion & Analysis
  1. Opinions and Analysis

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